How police crisis created a crisis for the Government

The tragic death of Nahel, and the riots that followed across France, have highlighted a deep-seated crisis  within the French police force. While the subject is not totally new, it seems to have taken on a whole new dimension in recent weeks… turning into a political crisis that is difficult to control. 

From news item to political crisis 

The case dates back to the night of July 1 to 2, 2023, the 5th night of rioting in protest at the death of Nahel, a young teenager killed during a roadside check in the Paris region. 45,000 members of the domestic security forces are mobilized across France to try to contain the urban violence that is breaking out in all the major cities. In Marseilles, things took a particular turn: four police officers – accused by a 21-year-old man, Hedi, of having beaten him up and seriously injured him for no reason – were indicted, and one of them was remanded in custody.  

Immediately, the Unité SGP-Police union called on police officers to go on sick leave or “code 562“, i.e., to carry out only their “essential” duties.   

Despite pressure from the police, the courts were not giving in. The investigating division of the Aix-en-Provence Court of Appeal rejected the request for the release of the BAC officer accused of seriously injuring Hedi. For the time being, the officer remains in pre-trial detention, at least until his next interrogation, scheduled for August 30. 

The police forces are once again feeling a sense of abandonment and a lack of recognition from the government. It’s a crisis of confidence that’s only getting worse. But beyond this crisis, this affair has also brought to the public attention the gap that seems to be widening between the police and the justice system, and raises the question of their relations, a debate that periodically returns to the forefront of the media and political scene.  

In response to the growing discontent, Frédéric Veaux, Director General of the French National Police (DGPN), declared on July 23 in Le Parisien: “Generally speaking, I believe that before any trial, a police officer has no place in prison, even if he or she may have committed faults or serious errors in the course of his or her work“. In the same breath, Laurent Nunez, Prefect of the Paris Police, declared his support for the DGPN, whose standpoint he “shares“. 

But these statements proved insufficient to calm police discontent. Worse still, they put the government in a particularly uncomfortable position, as the affair is taking a political turn that is difficult to control. 

The Government’s ambiguous response to the crisis   

It’s hard to imagine that such a statement was made by the DGPN without the approval of his superiors… in this case Gérald Darmanin, Minister of the Interior. However, it seems that he did not anticipate the consequences. 

Initially, despite the public and political outcry, the Minister of the Interior did not react to the comments made by the Director General of the French National Police. This silence fuelled speculation as to whether or not he agreed with the comments made in the interview. 

But by suggesting that the police are an exception in a late intervention on July 27, Gerald Darmanin seems to have accepted a two-speed justice system, the idea of a state within the state, and has placed the executive in a delicate position.  

In the meantime, the Elysée had opted for the famous “at the same time” approach. Questioned on the subject from Nouméa in New Caledonia on July 24, Emmanuel Macron declined to respond: “I wouldn’t want us to get into the wrong debate“. While the President admitted that “we must listen to the emotions of police officers who have been confronted with extreme violence“, he insisted that “no one in the Republic is above the law“.   

The President’s options were slim: to disagree with this statement would have meant disavowing the DGPN and reinforcing the feeling of abandonment of the forces of law and order, with the certain risk of increasing anger among them. To validate it would have been perceived as an attempt to undermine the independence of the judiciary and the separation of powers: inconceivable for a President. 

However, the solution chosen does not seem to be the right one. In the face of such ambiguous communication, critics are flying in and fuelling the debate on social networks. 

Olivier Faure, First Secretary of the Socialist Party (L), criticized Emmanuel Macron’s remarks on France Inter: in his view, the President should have “reminded people of the rules and shown authority“.  The same reaction from La France Insoumise (FL): “No sanctions, not even verbal ones. Abuses are encouraged. Appalling,” tweeted its creator and leader Jean-Luc Mélenchon.  

More significantly, even some police unions are questioning: “I don’t understand the position of the institution and the government. We are in a state of law. Exceptional justice for police officers is unacceptable. It would be a serious issue in a democracy“, said Anthony Caillé, General Secretary of the CGT-Intérieur-Police union. 

If the voices of the police themselves are being raised, it speaks volumes about the reality of the crisis. Gérald Darmanin has promised to hold talks in the autumn to find solutions… let’s hope the summer will have done its job of calming things down by then.